Latest stories – पछिल्ला टिप्पणीहरू

  • Politics of Religion and Conversion

    By Dinesh Wagle

    A conference of Nepali and Indian ultra-Hindu rightists in Mumbai last week has decided to launch “a coordinated campaign to re-establish Nepal as a Hindu state”. Kamal Thapa, who sees his future in religion-based politics, participated. Thapa said the conference expressed concern over sinister plans being carried out in Nepal to wipe out the identity of a Hindu state.

    On a sweltering April afternoon in New Delhi, I met a former Nepali Congress lawmaker who is best known these days for pulling strings at the highest levels of the Indian establishment to get his wife deported to Nepal a few months ago. But Amresh Kumar Singh is not a man to be taken lightly when he talks about political happenings in Nepal.

    “Do you think Ramdev went to teach yoga?” he asked referring to the Indian yoga guru’s highly publicised trip to Nepal a week earlier. “No. He was there to explore possibilities of establishing a new political party. That is why he met and talked to a variety of people during his stay.”

    “You mean Ramdev will open a party in Nepal?”

    “No, he and other people [from India] will help Nepalis to form a political force,” Singh said.

    “Mark my words; we will soon see a rightist party in action in Nepal that will advocate restoration of Hindu Rashtra Nepal.”

    The chronic disease of Hindu fundamentalism that has been spreading the viruses of hatred in India has slowly been asserting itself in Nepal in recent months. Under the more appealing banner of Hindutva, Nepali agents of the Indian Hindu right are gradually pushing the agenda of restoration of the monarchy. As the popularly elected political leadership is struggling to draft a constitution and take the peace process to a logical conclusion, these religious zealots are equating the issue of Hindu Rashtra with the dead monarchy.

    What I know for sure is that people like me, liberal Hindus with a secular mindset, are in an overwhelming majority in Nepal. We want the country to be a forum equally accessible for people of all faiths. My own view — expressed first on my Facebook profile — is that religion is certainly not opium but a cigarette that should be smoked in private without disturbing other people. It’s a very personal thing. Politicising religion is dangerous as it inevitably invites conflict and violence in society. I even feel that people shouldn’t be classified according to their religious standing. They shouldn’t be asked about their religion in the national census. People should be given complete freedom to have or not to have faith in religion. That is precisely what our Interim Constitution does. More importantly, it bars forced conversion. While the constitution, for example, lets me dump my current religion and go for another if I wish to do so (because this act involves no one but me) it bars me from luring a person of a different faith to my religion (because this act involves a person apart from me).

    But some people with vested interests are not happy with this constitutional provision. Take, for example, our cash rich European brothers who believe that they can buy Nepali dignity with some scratched euro or pound notes as if it were a stale pizza on sale in a rural Italian bakery. I was shocked to read a report in the Post few weeks ago that said, “The European Union… urged the [Nepal] government to allow ‘full freedom’ to proselytise while drafting the new constitution.” A letter forwarded by the French Embassy, in its capacity as the EU local presidency in Kathmandu, to the government said the current constitutional provisions on religious rights were “limited”. The sinister motive of the letter is clear: Buying poor Nepalis to Christianity should be legalised.

    Who are the Europeans kidding here? This letter is a textbook example of unsavory forces trying to fish in the troubled waters of Nepal that is going through a difficult transitional crisis. Instead of doing so, the Europeans should look at themselves in the mirror where they will see countries like Malta, Monaco, Greece, Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Switzerland and England that, with their official religion, have a long way to go to become a secular nation like Nepal. The EU should write such letters to Germany and Finland, apart from the aforementioned countries, where the Evangelical and Roman Catholic Church and Finnish Orthodox Church enjoy de facto privileged status. Okay, for once, forget all this. Go and tell the Vatican City to become secular before lecturing us on religious freedom. Ask the BBC to give equal coverage to Benedict XVI and Ramdev, will you? This type of brazen intervention undermines our, secularists’, fight against Hindu fundamentalists in Nepal. This intervention also strengthens people like Kamal Thapa.

    And France, by the way, should be the last country to advise us on religious affairs. The country, where religious minorities are treated very badly, has a terrible record on religious freedom. I am not saying this. In its 2009 edition of the annual International Religious Freedom report, the US State Department says the French government’s “discriminatory treatment of Jehovah’s Witnesses and Scientologists remained a concern”. The report says, “Some religious groups voiced opposition to legislation passed in 2001 and 2004, which provides for the dissolution of groups under certain circumstances and bans wearing of conspicuous religious symbols by public school employees and students.”

    France not only violated its own 1905 law on the separation of religion and the state that prohibits discrimination on the basis of faith by banning Muslim symbols and allowing Christian symbols to be worn. No one has left Nepal because of an unfriendly religious environment; but according to several reports, many people belonging to the Muslim faith have been forced to leave France because of tightening control over religious freedom. No student has been expelled from a Nepali school for their faith, but two female junior high school students, Dounia and Khouloudewere, aged 12 and 13 respectively, were the first to be expelled under a draconian French law for refusing to take off their headscarves on Oct. 20, 2004 from a school in Mulhouse, Alsace.

    The Europeans, instead of unnecessarily poking their nose into Nepali affairs, should rather go for trekking in the Himalaya and enjoy their Nepal assignment which anyway is nothing but a long holiday for them. If trekking is not enough and you miss your home, here is a suggestion: The Roadhouse Café in Thamel serves mouthwatering pizza; Délices de France, a restaurant run by a wonderful French woman and attacked by Maoist thugs during the recent strike, serves excellent chicken liver terrine; and nearby Dohori Saanjh restaurants serve unlimited glasses of beer. Chew, drink and cheer for your favourite football team. The World Cup is coming.

    This article first appeared in today’s Kathmandu Post.

  • Kathmandu Valley

    kulekhani kids

    Sibling conflict and cooperation: These kids were carrying gallons of drinking water in the dokos from a tap some 400 meters below their home in a village in Makwanpur. The younger one (at the front) was crying when we saw them. His brother was trying to put him inside the basket instead of water gallons! Some sort of fighting between the brothers had ensued. The kid stopped crying as soon as we reached and started smiled as realized we were taking his photos.

    The arrival was peaceful, the stay wonderful (minus the #MaoistStrike) and the time has come to go back to the sweltering heat of Delhi. What I’ll miss the most apart from the obvious is the ‘air-conditioned’ climate of Kathmandu. Despite all the problems on the streets and the corridors of powers Kathmandu is undoubtedly the place where I feel at ease to be. Kathmandu (and Nepal in general) presents dilemma to its residents. As Bigyan aptly tweets: “can’t live with it, can’t live without it… #Nepal.” [My Reweet.]

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    Selfish interests groups and badly manged politics have collectively ruined the economy and state of affairs of the city and the country. Such is the situation that sometime even a staunchly hopeful person like me gets swayed away and thinks we are here to be doomed, that we will never go ahead and catch up with time that is moving so fast ahead of us. BUT that is not the feeling that rules me (and I assume many of us). Just a small opportunity, a moment of peace and the country will surely move ahead. Just a few roads and drinking water projects in villages and the faces of those hills will change for better. Just a little bit of investment, an environment for investors to play with their wealth and the economy will see a turnaround. There is a lot in this country to be hopeful about.

    Some of the best moments of my more than two week long stay in Kathmandu were when I ventured out of the valley. Just behind the Chandragiri hills, above Thankot, is a wonderful village called Chitlang. A very old settlement. Suraj Kunwar and I biked through the village one cloudy (and drizzling) noon enjoying the view of farmers busy in their fields, thick forests atop hills, kids smiling and playing with each other and barren lands filled with colorful flowers. It was heavenly- except that on the other side of the hill- below- urban terror was ruling the city in the name of people’s uprising. The so called revolution failed but not before giving the country a bad jolt. (धेरै…)

  • पीडितगन्ज, पहाडगन्ज

    piditganj paharganj
    ठूलो पार्न यसमा क्लिके हुन्छ

    दिनेश वाग्ले
    वाग्ले स्ट्रिट जर्नल

    हिन्दीमा कुरा गर्छ पहाडगन्जले
    बोल्छ उर्दू, पञ्जावी र नेपाली पनि
    अंग्रेजी त राम्रैसँग बुझ्छ
    जापानी र जर्मनको ज्ञान राख्छ भने
    फ्रेन्च र इटालियनमा दखल छैन भन्न मिल्दैन
    नत्र कसरी चलाउँछ रेष्टुराँ र होटलहरू
    लज, क्याफे र साइबरक्याफेहरू
    खुद्रा पसल र क्युरियो पसलहरू

    दिल्ली आउनुभएको छ भने तपाईँ पहाडगन्ज नपुगेको पत्याउँदै नसकिने कुरा हो । नेपालीको कुरै छाडौ‌, भारतीय राजधानी आउने कुन विदेशी त्यहाँ पुगेको हुँदैन ? यता नआएका नेपालीलाई पहाडगन्ज चिनाउन कतिपयले ठमेलको सहयोग लिन्छन् । काठमाडौंको त्यो पर्यटकीय जमघटस्थलको दिल्लीस्थित समकक्षी हो, पहाडगन्ज । तुलनात्मक रूपमा कम पैसा लिएर घुम्न निस्कने ‘बजेट टुरिष्ट’हरूलाई ठमेलले जस्तै अनेकौं अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय खाना र सस्ता कोठाको प्रस्ताव गर्छ, पहाडगन्जले । फरक यत्ति हो, ठमेलमा १० हजार भारतीय काम गर्दैनन्, पहाडगन्जमा झन्डै १० हजार नेपाली काम गर्छन् । लगभग ७ सय होटल छन् यहाँ जसमध्ये- यो त्यति गौरवपूर्ण कुरा होइन, तैपनि- १० वटाजति नेपालीले सञ्चालन गरेका छन् । सञ्चालन भन्नाले मालिकै भएर चलाएको । भान्से, वेटर, रिसेप्सनिस्ट, भाडा माझ्ने र चौकिदार भएर पहाडगन्जका होटल चलाउने नेपालीको संख्या त अघि उल्लेख भइहाल्यो । (धेरै…)

  • भारतको ‘नक्सली’ युद्ध

    नेपालमें तो बहुत सारे माओवादी हैं’, कतिपय भारतीयहरूले मसँग त्यस्तो भन्ने गर्छन्, मानौं भारतमा ‘माओवादी’ छँदैछैनन् । त्यसो भन्नेमा मुख्यतः दिल्ली या मुम्बईका सहरी वासिन्दा हुन्छन्, जो आफ्नै देशका गाउँहरू’bout अनभिज्ञ हुन्छन् । केही साताअघि ‘भारतीय विस्तारवाद’ विरुद्ध आन्दोलन छेडेका कारणले नेपाली माओवादीहरू समाचारमा आएको बेला मलाई पोहोर गाडी चलाउन सिकाउने गुरुले सोधे- ‘यार तिम्रो नेपालमा कति धेरै ‘माओवादी’ राखेको ? बारम्बार उपद्रो मच्चाइराख्छन् ।’ यी गुरुचाहिँ उत्तर प्रदेशकै एउटा गाउँका हुन्, जो बितेका ८ वर्षदेखि दिल्लीमा गाडी चलाउन सिकाइरहेका छन् । उत्तर-प्रदेशमा पनि माओवादीहरूको खास उपस्थिति छैन ।

    जनसंख्या र क्ष त्रफलको हिसाबले भारत कति धेरै ठूलो र व्यापक छ भने बितेका ४३ वर्षदेखि जारी हिंसात्मक आन्दोलन’bout अझै पनि करोडौं मानिसलाई थाहा छैन र आधाभन्दा बढी भूभागमा त्यसको उपस्थिति नै छैन । पश्चिम बंगाल या उडिसाका गाउँहरूमा दर्जनौं मानिस मर्दा या ती राज्यका ठूलै सहर या बस्तीहरूमा हडताल हुँदा पनि भारतीय सत्तासञ्चालनमा मुख्य प्रभाव राख्ने मुम्बई र दिल्लीमा फिटिक्कै असर पर्दैन । त्यसैले कतिपय भारतीयलाई राम्रोसँग ‘माओवादी’ भन्न पनि आउँदैन र आउनेले त्यसलाई ‘नक्सली’ भनी राम्रोसँग चिन्छन् ।

    यथार्थ हो, अहिलेको दिनमा नेपालबाहिर राम्रो या नराम्रो कारणले सबैभन्दा बढी चिनिने नेपाली नेता प्रचण्ड हुन् । त्यसैले आफ्नै देशको माओवादी’bout थाहा नपाउने भारतीयहरूले पनि नेपालको प्रसङ्ग आउनासाथ ‘माओवादी’ र ‘ओ, क्या नाम हैं उसका ? प्रचण्ड ? क्या कर रहा हैं ओ आजकल ?’ भनिहाल्छन् । त्यस्तो अवस्थामा मैले ती भारतीयहरूलाई ‘अरे भैया, नेपाली माओवादीको के कुरा गर्छौ, जबकि नेपालमा भन्दा कैयौं गुणा बढी र शक्तिशाली माओवादीहरू भारतमा छन् । नेपालको भन्दा कैयौं गुणा बढी भारतीय भूभाग र बस्तीमा माओवादी प्रभाव छ ।’ त्यसो भन्दा उनीहरू मैले नौलो कुरा गरेको जस्तो ठान्दै ‘ह्या, होइन’ पो भन्छन् ।

    तर अब स्थिति बदलिन थालेजस्तो देखिन्छ । मैले भारतीय अखबारहरू पढ्न थालेको १२ वर्ष भयो र तिनमा पहिलोपटक बुधबार माओवादी हिंसा’boutको समाचारले सबैभन्दा धेरै, व्यापक र प्रमुख स्थान पाएको देखेँ । दिल्लीबाट निस्कने लगभग सबैजसो अङ्ग्रेजी अखाबारहरूले छत्तीसगढ राज्यको दान्तेबाँडा जिल्लामा मंगलबारको नक्सली आक्रमणलाई लगभग ब्यानर शीर्षकमा पस्किए । त्यो महत्त्वपूर्ण छ, किनकि दिल्लीका अंग्रेजी अखबारहरूले भारतीय शासन सञ्चालनमा र ढनाड्यहरूमाझ सबैभन्दा बढी प्रभाव पार्छन् । अनि मेरा चालक गुरुजस्ता अङ्ग्रेजी नजान्ने, सामाजका तल्लो तहका र अधिकांश भारतीयहरूले पढ्ने (ठानिने) हिन्दी अखबारहरूले पनि दान्तेबाँडा घटनालाई सबैभन्दा महत्त्वका साथ प्रस्तुत गरे । ‘दैनिक जागरण’ पत्रिकाको शीर्षक- ‘गि्रन हन्टका ‘लाल’ जवाब’ ।

    अंग्रेजी दैनिक ‘हिन्दुस्तान टाइम्स’ले ठूलो आकारमा ‘आमहत्या’ लेख्दै थप्यो- ‘देश आक्रमणमा ।’ ‘टाइम्स अफ इन्डिया’ले घोषणा गर्‍यो- ‘यो (भारतमाथिको) युद्ध हो ।’ यस्तै समाचार शीर्षकहरू यी पत्रिकाले २७ नोभेम्बर २००८ मा लेखेका थिए । अघिल्लो दिन मुम्बईमा आतङ्कवादी हमला भएको थियो । राज्यबाट ‘आतङ्कवादी’ घोषित भए पनि ‘हिंसात्मक राजनीतिक विद्रोह’ र ‘आतङ्कवाद’बीच निश्चित रूपमा केही आधारभूत फरक हुन्छन् । तर नक्सलीहरूको दमन गर्न विपक्षी र मूलधारको सामाजिक संरचनाको चर्को दबाबमा परेको भारतीय राज्यले अहिले ती दुवैलाई एउटै ब्राकेटमा हालेर कारबाही अघि बढाउन थालेको देखिन्छ । वार्ता गर्नुपर्छ या गाउँले/आदिवासीका समस्या समाधान गर्नुपर्छ भनी तर्क गर्नेहरूलाई युद्धको पक्षमा रहेकाहरूले ‘तिमी नक्सली’ भनी आरोप लगाउँदै छलफल बन्द गर्न खोजिरहेका छन् । माओवादी हिंसा प्रत्यक्ष देखेका, भोगेका र अहिले शान्ति प्रक्रियामा केही हदसम्म आनन्दको सास फेरिरहेका हामी नेपालीहरूले भारतमा पनि समस्या वार्ताबाटै समाधान भएको देख्न चाहनु अस्वाभाविक होइन । तर एक हिसाबले हेर्दा भारतीय राज्यले हालैका वर्षमा जुनखालको माओवादी आक्रमण सहिरहेको छ, त्यसप्रति ‘ठिक्क पर्‍यो’ भन्न मन

    लाग्छ । नेपालमा हिंसा बढाउन कुनै जमानामा भारतले भूमिका खेलेकै हो । एकातिर सत्तालाई माओवादी दबाउन हतियार दिने, अर्कोतिर देशमा आतङ्कवादी घोषित विद्रोहीलाई आफ्नो भूमिमा सेल्टर दिने । नेपाललाई प्रयोगशाला बनाउने भारतलाई अहिले, एक हिसाबले त्यही प्रयोगशालाबाट निस्केको विष लाग्दैछ ।

    अस्ति एकजना विश्लेषक टीभीमा भन्दै थिए, भारत यस्तो देश हो, जहाँ मगन्तेहरूको संख्या करोडमा छ र आफ्नी पत्नीको जन्मदिनमा जेट प्लेन उपहार दिने ढनाड्य पनि छन् । नेपालमा भन्दा अलि फरक बीएमडब्लु गाडी चढ्ने र दुई छाक खान संघर्ष गर्नेहरू बीचको असमानतामा भारतीय माओवादी आन्दोलन अडिएको छ । अबैंको कारोबार गर्ने खनिज पदार्थ उत्खनन कम्पनीहरू भारतका ती भागमा जान चाहन्छन्, जहाँ प्राकृतिक स्रोत टन्न छ, तर मानिसहरू गरिब छन् । आर्थिक वृद्धि निरन्तर हासिल गरिरहन चाहने भारतीय राज्यले ती कम्पनीहरूलाई ती ठाउँमा जान अनुमति दिनैपर्छ र दिइरहेको छ । सरकारबाट अनुमति पाएका ती कम्पनीहरू स्थानीय जनतालाई ती स्राेतको साझेदार बनाउन किन चाहन्थे ? अनि आफ्नो जंगल, आफ्नो पहाड र आफ्नो गाउँको स्रोत विदेशी या स्वदेशी बहुराष्ट्रिय कम्पनीले आफूसँग बाँड्दै नबाँडी लगेको स्थानीय जनता कसरी सहन सक्छन् ? त्यस्तो अवस्थामा जो उनीहरूलाई सहयोग गर्न आउँछ, त्यसैको समर्थन गर्छन् जनताले । भारतीय माओवादी आन्दोलनका सन्दर्भमा पनि त्यही भएको छ । माओवादी सिद्धान्त पत्याएरभन्दा पनि आफ्नो ठाउँको स्रोत लैजानबाट राक्न सहयोग गर्ने भएकाले नक्सलीहरूलाई जनताले साथ दिएका छन् । त्यसैले भारतले सबैभन्दा बढी आर्थिक प्रगति गरेकै (गत) दसकमा माओवादी प्रभाव पनि उल्लेख्य बढेको छ ।

    अब भारतमा आन्तरिक लडाइँको व्यापक तयारी भइरहेजस्तो देखिन्छ । मंगलबारको ७६ प्रहरी मारिएको घटनापछि त्यो तयारीले थप तीव्रता पाइसकेको छ । सेना प्रयोग अवश्यै होला जस्तो छ । आखिर आणविक शक्तिसम्पन्न राज्यसत्ता जंगली गुरिल्लाहरूबाट झुक्ने कुरा पनि भएन । निर्दोष गाउँलेहरूको ज्यान अब झन् ठूलो संख्यामा जाने निश्चित छ । तर १ अर्ब १४ करोड जनसंख्या भएको मुलुकमा दुर्गम स्थानमा रहेका, धेरैजसो नपढेका केही लाख (या करोडै सही) ‘गरिब आदिवासी’हरूको ज्यानको के महत्त्व ?

    यो लेख  पहिलोपटक आजको कान्तिपुर दैनिकमा प्रकाशित भएको हो ।

  • A glass of Beer (or a peg of Whiskey, sir?)

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    This is slideshow. For the album view, go at the end of the post.

    Uncle Mehra, my 75-year-old friendly landlord, is not entirely happy with me as he rightly feels I don’t enjoy alcohol. Not that I don’t consume liquor because I believe that’s unhealthy or not a good thing to do. I simply don’t like the taste. That, however, hasn’t stopped me from drinking beer once in a while (I don’t even smell so called hard drinks like rum/vodka/whiskey etc.). Last time I did take beer was five days ago when a friend of mine on his way to Afghanistan transited in Delhi and came over to my apartment. Every sip was like a big hurdle. Uncle Mehra wasn’t with us that evening (his son was) but he doesn’t like it when I make terrible face while reluctantly sipping beer which tastes like gaumutra (cow’s urine) or something to me. The only difference is that the latter is considered holy (and healthy) by our tradition. (धेरै…)

  • A Tired Indian

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    Palika Bazaar is an underground market in central Delhi that is popular among the people who can’t afford to go to fancy malls and nearby branded outlets in Connaught Place. Above the bustling market is a peaceful and not so well maintained park where shoppers and other people come to take rest. Some play chess and enjoy cuppas while others talk to each other or just try be with themselves. All need a few moments of peace in this crazy city. (धेरै…)

  • Nepal in Intl. Media: Annapurna Circuit and Kathmandu in New York Times and Time

    sunrise on poon hill
    Sunrise on Poon Hill, with a view of 26,795-foot Dhaulagiri. Pic: Ethan-Todras Whitehill for NYT

    The New York Times and Time magazine are working closely, so to speak, to cover Nepal in the past couple of weeks. First came Jim Yardley, former Beijing bureau chief of the Times now posted in New Delhi, with an analysis titled “China Intensifies Tug of War With India on Nepal.” That was in mid-February. Two weeks later Jyoti Thottam, Time‘s woman in New Delhi, saw, from Delhi, Nepal “Caught Between China and India.” [Prithvi Narayan Shah, the king who unified Nepal some 250 years ago, had realized that long time back when he said, “नेपाल दुई ढुङ्गाबीचको तरुल हो । [Nepal is a yam between two boulders.]”

    Both stories are worth reading but they are not something that we can cheer about. This week NYT and Time came out with two travel reports that are certainly helpful to promote Nepali travel and tourism industry. The Times publishes an excellent travelogue from Annapurna Circuit while Time highlights Kathmandu Valley as a weekend destination. I was particularly interested in the Times story, by Ethan Todras-Whitehill, because I have done parts of the Circuit- Ghandruk Ghorepani (which counts as separate route that passes via Poon Hill) and Nar Phu trek (that touches many parts of the Circuit including Dharapani and crosses via Kang-la Pass that is only a few meters shorter than Thorang-la). The main photo- brilliant- published alongside the story- people enjoying the view of Dhaulagiri range and the sunrise- reminded me of my own moment at Poon Hill three years ago. (धेरै…)

  • A Nepali Death in the age of Twitter and Facebook (RIP #GPK)

    Nepal’s top leader dies. Nepalis all over the world react hysterically on the Web.

    This blog entry is a supplement to a news report that I wrote in today’s Kantipur titled: निधनको खबरले भरियो फेसबुक [Facebook filled with the news of death (of GPK)]

    a nepal death on facebook Girija prasad Koirala dies
    click to enlarge ठुलो पार्नेभए क्लिके हुन्छ

    When Girija Prasad Koirala was born in 1925 Nepal was a closed society under autocratic oligarchy and secluded from rest of the world. There were no Twitterers and Facebookers in Nepal.

    After 86 years, Nepal is now a Federal Democratic Republic with a vibrant and open society that is so much connected to the world that the news of deteriorating health and death of Koirala spread all over the world in an instant via the Internet on Saturday (20 March).

    Messages like “Rest in Peace, Girija Prasad Koirala” or its shorter form “RIP GPK” and similar messages in Nepali spread like wildfire all over the web via numerous tweets and Facebook statuses. Some of those messages might have appeared slightly before the iconic leader’s death and certainly a couple of hours ahead of the official announcement by the Nepali Congress party in Kathmandu. That, in a way, reflected the aam janata (common man’s) concern and interest in Koirala’s health and life in general. Koirala died at 12:11 Nepal Standard Time yesterday. Here’s a sample of conversations that took place on Facebook walls (Sanjivan Gautam is a Nepali scholar who is now in Germany): (धेरै…)

  • No Nepali food in Delhi?

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    Chirag Delhi, a congested neighborhood in South Delhi, is where many Nepali Momowallahs live. They make the momo, half cook and take to different parts of the city to sell.

    Two days ago a woman identifying herself as a reporter with Time Out Delhi called me at my apartment number. It was not unusual though. Many Indian reporters call me to satisfy their queries: What are the Maoists doing in Kathmandu? Who is this General Gurung? Dinesh, do you know where the [visiting] President is staying in Delhi? What is Nepal’s expectation from India? This woman didn’t talk about politics. She wasn’t interested in Maoists or the Army. She asked me if I knew any Nepali restaurant in Delhi that served Nepali cuisine. Not entirely an unexpected question from a reporter of TOD but I didn’t have a quick and short answer. There is no Nepali restaurant in Delhi that serves Nepali food. At least I don’t know of any. Today I called up a Nepali national who has been living in Delhi for the last 12 years and works at an electronic equipment company to ask if he knew any. He didn’t know of a Nepali restaurant in Delhi either. The ‘fact’ could be astonishing given some other figures like these: Delhi is a city of 15 million people where, according to one estimate, 5,00,000 Nepalis live. So, the question is, do Nepalis go hungry in Delhi? (धेरै…)

  • गच्छदारको भारत यात्रा

    gachhedar india trip kantipur 18mar
    ठूलो पार्न क्लिक गरे हुन्छ

    दिनेश वाग्ले

    थुप्रैपटक मन्त्री बनेका, तीनवटा पार्टीको उच्चस्तरीय अनुभव सँगालेका र सत्ता समीकरणको पछिल्लो खेलमा सही गोटी चालेकाले देशको उपप्रधानमन्त्री बनेका विजयकुमार गच्छदारका निम्ति गत साताको भारत भ्रमण ‘पहिलो’ थियो । ‘पहिलो कुन अर्थमा भने यसअघि उहाँ कहिल्यै पनि राजनीतिक मिसन लिएर दिल्ली आउनुभएको थिएन’, उनीसँगै आएका एक सहयोगीले गतसाता भने । ‘यसअघि कि त त्यो मन्त्रालयको काममा औपचारिक भ्रमण हुन्थ्यो या निजी ।’ यसपालीको भ्रमण पनि लगभग निजी नै थियो, तर भारतीय विदेश मन्त्रालयको निम्तामा । दिल्ली बसाइँको र यहाँका मन्त्री तथा सरकारी पदाधिकारीहरूसँगको भेटको प्रबन्धन उसैले गरेको थियो । भारतीय प्रधानमन्त्रीका राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा सल्लाहकार, विदेशमन्त्री, अर्थमन्त्री तथा मन्त्रिपरिषदमा नरहेका सत्तारुढ र विपक्षी थुप्रै नेताहरूलाई पनि गच्छदारले भेटे । कतिलाई उनले ती नेताका घरैमा गएर भेटे, मुलायम सिंह यादव लगायतका केही उनी बसेको होटल ताजमा आए । गैरसरकारी भेटहरू निम्त्याउनेले मिलाएको थिएन (गच्छदारसँगै आएका अर्का सहयोगीले फोन गरेर समय लिइदिएका थिए), तर भारतीय निम्तो र गच्छदारको भ्रमणको प्रयोजन खासमा त्यही थियो- दिल्लीमा जतिसक्दो धेरै प्रमुख नेताहरूलाई भेट्ने र आफ्ना कुरा राख्ने । (धेरै…)